5 MORE Liberal Lies Everyone Believes

Today we're dismantling 5 more liberal lies – from our most basic ideas about America and its identity to the fundamental beliefs about rights that shape our entire political worldview.

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Transcript

Lie #5: America Is An Idea

Lie #4: Anyone Can Become An American

Lie #3: Diversity Is Our Strength

Lie #2: The Trap of Ideology

LIe #1: The American Idea of Rights

SPEAKER_00 0:02

The beliefs Americans have been taught to defend are the very ideas destroying our country. Our most foundational political assumptions and deeply held beliefs are built on the lies we've never thought to question until now. From our most basic ideas about America and its identity to the fundamental beliefs about rights that shape our entire political worldview. We're going to destroy five more dangerous liberal lives almost every conservative believes. I know I used to believe them. And if you thought the last episode was shocking enough, you won't want to miss today's show. Make sure you stick around to the very end, because each line where debunked gets more controversial, culminating in a conclusion that may make you rethink everything you thought you knew about politics. You're listening to the Conservative Rebel. America is an idea. Most Americans of both parties take for granted the notion that America, unlike all other nations, is an idea. We take for granted the idea that, while other countries like Japan or India or Saudi Arabia find their national identities in the history, heritage, culture, and religion their peoples have always shared, we Americans simply aren't allowed to. America, unlike every other country, on the face of the planet, is a propositional nation. That means, in simple terms, that America's entire identity as a nation, the thing that makes it America, is a proposition, an idea. Specifically, America is the proposition that all men are created equal, according to this view. Granted, there is nothing in our Constitution, founding documents or laws that ever makes any such claim that America is based on an idea. There is no legal, historical, or moral basis for this doctrine whatsoever. But let's put the historical and legal arguments to the side for now. To dismantle this lie about our nation, the first thing we need to do is define the word nation. The word nation comes from the Latin word natio, which means by birth or to be born. The Oxford English Dictionary, historically defined nation, this way. Notice what a nation isn't right away. A nation is not its government. A nation is not its territory. A nation is not a legal construct anyone can become a member of by getting a piece of paper that says citizen on it. And above all, a nation is not an idea. A nation can have a government and a territory, and a legal definition of citizenship, and even common values and principles, and most nations do. Nations should have those things, but those things by themselves don't make a nation a nation, or a people a people. They don't make an Italian an Italian. They don't make a Nigerian a Nigerian, and no, they do not make an American an American. This is why every single nation in the history of the world, until approximately last Thursday, found its identity in history, heritage, religion, and culture. It's also why virtually all non-Western, non-white nations still do find their identity in those things, in 2026. This insane idea that our nation, or any nation, is nothing but a vague, abstract, subjective idea floating around somewhere in someone's head, is an unprecedented modern delusion. Our ancestors couldn't have comprehended an idea like that, and they would have laughed us off if we tried explaining it to them. Here's what one of them, founding father and Supreme Court Justice John J., said about American national identity in the Second Federalist Paper. Quote, Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people, a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, and very similar in their manners and customs. America already was one nation, he argued, which is why he wanted it united under one government under the Constitution. At this time, virtually all Americans were English-speaking, church-attending, self-identified Christians, descended from the countries of the British Isles, especially England, and occasionally other parts of Western Europe. Americans really did have all of those things in common, Jean Jay said they did. Religion, culture, history, heritage, ancestry, beliefs, traditions, customs. Their shared American identity was found in the English and Western and Christian tradition, not in abstract ideas. Because a nation is defined by things like descent, language, and history, America can't be a propositional nation, because a propositional nation is a contradiction in terms. It isn't a nation at all. America is not and has never been an idea. It's a specific people, living in a specific place, with a specific religion, culture, and way of life. In short, America is a nation, and we have a duty to defend it from leftist doctrines, like the propositional nation, that threaten its existence. Lie number four. Anyone can become an American. Now that we understand that America is a nation, not an idea, we've already debunked the core assumption behind this lie. The claim that anyone can become an American draws heavily on the propositional nation, because if America is an idea, an American, it would follow, is just a legal citizen who claims to believe in that idea. Neither birth nor culture nor religion nor any other aspect of traditional national identity, in this view, can stand in the way of becoming an American. All you have to do is claim you believe in equality and get a document from the government that says you're a citizen. Instantaneously, you're transformed from a Somali or a Nigerian or an Afghan to an American. Instantaneously, all loyalty to your old country and way of life evaporates. In that moment, the spirit of America descends upon you like a dove, or rather like a bald eagle. And if you really listen, you can almost hear the deep, rolling voice of Uncle Sam declare from above, This is my beloved son, in whom I am well pleased. As long as he claims to believe in the proposition, the random guy from Bangladesh who just washed up on our shores eight days ago, is just as American as someone whose ancestors came here on the Mayflower. If it's not already obvious to you that this idea is absurd, it's about to get more obvious. Right off the bat, notice that this idea falsely conflates legal US citizenship with being an American. But the two are not the same thing. Citizenship is just a legal status. Nationality is something else entirely. If the definition of a nation is grounded in things like culture, history, and religion, which we showed to be true just a few minutes ago, then your nationality is an empirical fact about you, grounded in objective reality. It exists independently of your feelings and independently of any legal consideration. For example, if you live in Saudi Arabia, but you're an American-born Christian white dude who lives in a community of other white people where you fly the American flag, speak English, and make no attempt to assimilate into Saudi culture, then you are not, by any objective definition, a Saudi. You are, in every objective sense, an American by nationality, even if you have legal citizenship in Saudi Arabia. And the same works in reverse. If you have American citizenship, but you're an Arab Muslim named Mohammed who was born in Saudi Arabia, speaks Arabic, not English, and lives in a Saudi enclave, then you're not an American by nationality, even if you have legal citizenship. You are, in every objective sense, a Saudi, just like the American living in the Saudi borders is in every objective sense an American. How can I say such a thing? Because nationality has objective characteristics. You fit every single one of the objective cultural, religious, and ethnic characteristics of Saudi nationality, including being born in Saudi Arabia, which makes you a Saudi. That reality might hurt your feelings. You may decide to falsely claim it's racist or hateful, which it isn't. The only reason you think that is because it's directed at a Saudi. I doubt any of you thought it was racist when I used the illustration of the white guy living in Saudi Arabia. But it just happens to be a reality. Even if it's impolite to say out loud, it's true, and we all know it. And just as a Saudi has characteristics that make him a Saudi, an American has characteristics that make him an American. America was founded by a Christian, Western, and European people, with a Western and European culture, specifically in the context of English legal and cultural traditions. That means the characteristics of American nationality are Christianity, Western principles, English liberty, law, rights, and our traditions, and so on. That doesn't mean you can't be an American if you're not white. It just means that anyone who wants to become an American must assimilate himself to this culture and way of life. American nationality is about so much more than a legal document. It's about being part of a culture, a tradition, a nation, a people. And if we ever want to diagnose and resolve the problem of mass migration, that's a reality we can't afford to forget. Lie number three: Diversity is our strength. One of the single most obviously false liberal mantras on earth has to be this idea that diversity is America's strength. And though conservatives may roll their eyes when they hear leftists repeating this slogan, few of them ever challenge that fundamental premise for fear of being called racist. When I say diversity, I am not really concerned with skin color. I'm referring to differences in religion, culture, language, moral beliefs, and nationality. The things that make a nation a nation. The argument that diversity is a strength completely collapses if you stop to think through it for ten seconds or longer. The word diversity means different, distinct, not alike, dare I say divided. Diversity is the opposite of unity. It is division, and division is chaos, confusion, and disorder. Anyone who claims that diversity is our strength is claiming that disunity and not having anything in common with each other is our strength. He's claiming that the less united we are, the stronger we'll be. It's a claim so absurd it's hard to believe it even needs to be refuted. The classic battlefield strategy is divide your enemy and then conquer him, not to unite your enemy and then conquer him. Why? Because of the basic, obvious, intuitive truth that unity makes any group of people in any area of life stronger, and diversity and division and not having anything in common will make the same group of people in any area of life weaker and less effective. Try playing a game of football where your entire team is constantly fighting, has no common strategy or vision of victory, and can't even agree among themselves on what the rules of the game are. Try managing a business that way. Try managing your employees that way, your family that way. In all cases, diversity is a recipe for disaster, and we all know it. The more diversity, the worse, because the more unity, the better. As long as you're uniting around truth. So far we've looked at the problems of diversity in general, but now let's zoom in on cultural diversity in particular. As we've already shown in the last two lies, in order to have a nation at all, you must have a common culture, way of life, and moral understanding. What we haven't gotten into yet is what happens when you don't have those things. What happens when multiple groups of people who have completely opposite cultures, religions, moral codes, political principles, and all that are all mixed up together? What happens when one government has to manage and rule such a disorderly mixture of nationalities, many of whom don't like each other? The answer is empire. The distinction between a nation-state and an empire is that in a nation-state, you have one nationality, one people, living together under the same government with a common culture. Whereas in an empire, you have multiple nationalities, multiple peoples living together under one government. It doesn't matter if one nationality conquered the other and rules over them, or if one nationality decided to import the other nationality or nationalities into its territory. Either way, it has ceased to be a nation-state and has become a multicultural empire. In nation-states, where you have one people and one culture, society can remain much less restricted, freer, and more high trust. When you have the same basic moral understanding, way of living life and way of seeing the world as the people you live around, when you're all playing by the same rules and you're all committed to preserving the way your nation is constituted, you can avoid a lot of chaos and conflicts and maintain more unity. When you can't agree on the most basic things with the people you live around, and they come from opposite cultures and belief systems, the result is lower trust, higher crime, more chaos, more dysfunction, more animosity. That requires a larger, more powerful government and a subsequent loss of freedom. Ultimately, there isn't really a middle option. In the modern world, you will either live in a nation-state where you can have a less powerful government, or you will live in a multicultural empire where no one has anything in common with each other. In short, a diversity isn't just a nation's weakness, it's a nation's downfall. And if we intend to save our country from that downfall, we must stop celebrating and exacerbating that weakness. Lie number two: The Trap of Ideology. Many people today, whether they realize it or not, are thinking about politics in a radical liberal way. Conservatives included. People do this by thinking about politics through the lens of ideology. An ideology is essentially a set of abstract, vague ideas that you adopt because they sound good to you. Like democracy or freedom or whatever else, and then from these vague ideas, you reason yourself to a utopian or near-utopian vision of what the world should look like. You then set out to remake the world through the force of law, in a way that aligns with your chosen ideology. Whether that's modern so-called conservatism, liberalism, libertarianism. Socialism or whatever else. Most people don't do this knowingly, or with that explicit intention, because most people don't realize how much of their worldview is based on circular reasoning from incredibly vague, undefined ideas. And those of us who do realize it are often uncomfortable challenging the underlying assumptions, the ideology, that led us to our conclusions. But conservatism, in the classical sense of the word, was never based on ideology. In fact, it was diametrically opposed to it. Ideology is unchecked, unrestrained human reason. It's a reason that isn't grounded in religion, humility, and respect for tradition, history, and the wisdom of the past. And a reason like that can very quickly lead to dark and twisted places. The philosophers of the liberal enlightenment had begun to treat the ethics of politics as a math problem with a perfect utopian solution. These were the people who came up with ideology as we know it in the modern world, by questioning the conservative order they lived in. They treated human society like a simple mechanism of the new industrial age. They could endlessly adjust, tinker with, and ruthlessly simplify it for maximum efficiency. Conservatives, on the other hand, have always considered society to be an infinitely complex living organism that no amount of tinkering can ever perfect. When it needs to be pruned or corrected, we do it with caution, delicacy, and care. The liberals of the Enlightenment, the creators of ideology, on the other hand, fired up their chainsaws and started slicing off ancient limbs like madmen. Why? Because they were driven by ideology. They looked at the world around them, and that world did not align with the abstract principles they had invented or the utopian conclusion those principles had led them to. The conservatives, on the other hand, who rejected ideology, viewed society as an inheritance, passed on from their ancestors, that they had the duty to conserve and when necessary reform so they could pass its blessings down to the next generation. The liberals wanted to tear down and rebuild society comf completely from scratch, to align it with the utopian conclusions they had reached by coldly reasoning from murky, abstract, ideological principles. We have it in our power, the Jacobin sympathizer and revolutionary Thomas Paine declared, to begin the world over again. That's exactly the attitude that almost all ideologies have, and that's exactly what the liberals ended up doing. The conservative writer Russell Kirk contrasted conservatism with the danger of ideology this way. Here's what he said. The conservative thinks of political policies as intended to preserve order, justice, and freedom. The ideologue, on the contrary, thinks of politics as a revolutionary instrument for transforming society and even transforming human nature. In his march toward utopia, the ideologue is merciless. The conservative argument wasn't that we shouldn't have political first principles. It was that we can't divorce our principles from the world of reality. As Edmund Burke, one of the founders of Western conservatism, said, I cannot stand forward and give praise or blame to anything, as it stands stripped of every relation, in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances given reality to every political principle, its distinguishing color and discriminating effect. The circumstances are what render every civil and political scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind. It's a grave error, in short, to base all your politics off abstract ideas that are based on nothing but emotion and circular reasoning. It's folly to tear down all of society because it doesn't perfectly align with the impossible utopian world once constructed inside his own head. Ideology doesn't clarify politics, it confuses and muddies it. If we want to use politics to advance the good in the world of reality, we need to think and act in the constraints of reality. Which is why all conservatives should reject ideology and embrace true moral principle instead. Lie number one: The American Idea of Rights. Both on the left and on the right. It seems like no one is capable of talking about any political issue for any length of time without bringing them up. Of course, appealing to rights can be perfectly legitimate, especially when you're appealing to objective legal rights in the Constitution, like free speech or the right to keep and bear arms. But those aren't the types of rights we're concerned with today. What we're focused on is the endless list of abstract, contradictory, subjective rights people claim, independent of any objective law or tradition. The problem isn't rights themselves, it's our modern obsession with abstract rights completely detached from history, tradition, and moral duty. And that applies to the vast majority of the endless list of rights modern man has decided to give himself. From the imaginary rights of the French Revolution, to liberty, equality, and fraternity, to the rights of modern man to live however he likes and have all his wants provided for by the welfare state, none of these rights are based in anything objective. It's impossible to objectively define or discern abstract rights. You can't definitively prove or disprove their existence. You can't contextualize, qualify, or limit them. Because there's nothing there for you to prove or disprove or define or interact with. They have no grounding in empirical reality. They're just vague ideas floating around in people's brains. Some of them are nice sentiments and nice ideas, no doubt. Others, like the claims of rights to this or that taxpayer-funded service, are fabricated lists of demands you're placing upon other people that are based in your own greed or laziness. What's more, people can't even seem to agree on what is or isn't a right. If you can imagine a right to something, you can just as easily imagine a right to its opposite, which is something we see all the time in political arguments. For all these reasons, conservatives, traditionally, conservatives who were against the Enlightenment way back when liberalism first started. They didn't deny that God gave us some rights, but they were always wary of over-reliance on the language of abstract rights. Instead, we conservatives have always grounded our rights in tradition, precedent, and concrete law. As Burke said, in England conservatives were, quote, claiming their franchises not on abstract principles like the rights of men, but as the rights of Englishmen, and as a patrimony derived from their forefathers. They preferred this positive, recorded, hereditary title to all which can be dear to man and the citizen, to that vague, speculative right which exposed their sure inheritance to be scrambled for and torn to pieces by every wild litigious spirit. And though Burke was referring to England specifically, the concept applies to other countries and especially to America. So many of the rights we have as Americans, or at least used to have, are an inheritance that go all the way back to England before the Magna Carta, like the right to keep and bear arms, for example, or the right to a fair trial, or the right to be free from arbitrary arrest. But even if they weren't, Burke's point still applies. Rights that are grounded in law, in precedent, in history and in culture. Rights that you've inherited from your ancestors and will pass down to your children, are infinitely more objective, real, and concrete than abstract ideological rights. This doesn't mean rights don't exist outside of our constitutional tradition. It just means it's unhelpful and unproductive to use theoretical rights as a political crutch that holds up all or most of our political beliefs. Instead of basing our political worldview on subjective, abstract rights, we should bring everything back to moral law, which is actually objective and actually spelled out through divine revelation. For example, in the o in the abortion debate, it's an infinitely better argument to say, you're killing an innocent human being, and that's wrong, than you're violating someone's right to life. Otherwise, the pro-abortion activist can just deny the right to life and claim the right to bodily autonomy. The moral law is infinitely more clarifying and objective. The same goes for almost every other political argument. Before you claim any right, here are five simple questions you should always ask first. Is this right compatible with objective moral law? Or does it contradict it? Does this right impose any moral duty on me as the person claiming it? Is this right reasonable and coherent, or does it collapse into contradiction? Has this right ever been recognized by serious civilizations before the modern age? And is this right grounded in the traditions, history, and constitutional order of my nation? If the answer to any of those questions is no, then it almost certainly isn't a right at all. When you base your worldview on subjective rights you can't prove, you will inevitably come to the wrong conclusions because you're starting with the wrong, or probably wrong, assumptions. It's only when you base your worldview on objective moral law, grounded in the particular nation, tradition, and culture you live in, that politics truly starts to come into focus. And that's why conservatives should reject this false liberal idea of rights, along with every other lie we covered today. Thanks for listening to today's episode of The Conservative Rebel. If you enjoyed it, if you learned something, please hit that follow button, hit that download button, and share it with anyone else you think might like it. I'll see you next time.